In certain respects, the data suggests that the somatic norm image for a politician in line with our conservative orientation is a middle-aged, married, grassroots, older Afro-Caribbean man with a family.
And oftentimes, women who are within the political corpus are delegitimised and critiqued severely if they are single, childless, divorced or do not fit the somatic norm image of beauty, or “if they can’t dress”. Critics make derogatory statements about their likability and desirability if they are single, question their inability to “care” and show “motherly love” if they are childless, or question their desirability and effectiveness if they can’t keep their men, as if the latter is a criterion for effective leadership.
What is also interesting is the manner in which women who fit the somatic norm image are revered for political office and will have to do less convincing on questions of policy positions and experience. Likeability at times is thus assessed by the way women dress and look, as the society objectifies their bodies, as opposed to embracing them as equal partners in political development.
The interesting reality is also that women, as maternal figures, have utilised their “caring and motherly” nature as talking points for political office.
And while there are always exceptions to the rule, it does not delegitimise the rule, as more often than not, they must fit one of these characteristics. And when they do not, they are judged more critically.
Notwithstanding, our data suggests that women are outpacing our men in educational achievements and experience. And, according to the Washington Post, Saint Lucia is one of three countries where the International Labour Organisation found that it is more likely for a woman than a man to be your boss, with Saint Lucia standing at 52.3%.
As such, if these stats are utilised as criteria for political leadership, it would mean that women are supposed to be outpacing men, signifying that other underlying reasons are at play.
In Saint Lucia, as in many other Caribbean countries, the data also suggest that institutional barriers exist.
Some of these include what UN Women describes as how “family work and time constraints disproportionately affect women due to the uneven distribution of family care responsibilities”. As such, since women are expected, due to gender roles, to spend more time on home care and childcare, among other domestic responsibilities than men, and find it challenging to balance a political position and domestic responsibilities.
The ability or lack thereof to balance these duties places women at a significant disadvantage and affects their campaigning as well as governance post-election. The global data suggest that only women with supportive families can run, while men do so despite discouragement from their families because someone else will pick up the slack.
But, while there are also no explicit laws to prohibit women candidates, nor are there any to facilitate it, the inbuilt established doctrines and practices of recruitment and internal party selection methods place women at a disadvantage.
Some of these include but are not limited to, (I) the inability of women to have access to the networks of people who fund campaigns and will assist them in their campaigns, (II) their inability to balance work and campaigning causing them to not be able to afford to campaign, (III) the favouring of those who have political familial history and early political exposure, who then have greater access to networks for political funds, political negotiations, and (IV) the placing of women in unwinnable seats as placeholders or caretakers of the seat.
But notwithstanding these arguments, it is imperative that women respond to some of the legitimate questions from wider society about their leadership and representation in public office.
Legitimate questions about leadership of women
While women are not a monolithic group, like other demographics, there are also constant calls for them to increase their advocacy and representation as an interest group, responding directly to the patriarchal structures created by the society.
Moving forward
Moving forward, some consideration must be given to the following to increase the presence of women in politics, even as we engage in this electoral campaign:
- Engage in massive public education, sensitisation and consciousness building relating to gender equality and women’s empowerment, such that we can unlearn and relearn what we believe are qualities of women within the society.
- Ensure political parties increase the number of women running for political office, and the provision of support for women who display interest and determination, through reorganising rules of financing and seat allocation, among other considerations.
- Create relevant national programming across communities, schools and other public intellectual spaces to educate and show appreciation for the contributions of women within politics in Saint Lucia to foster inspiration.
- Enhance and increase training programmes and networks, such as Women in Politics Leadership Institute by the US Embassy, to facilitate training for women interested in politics. It should focus on branding, networking, the academia of gender and providing them with the skillset and toolkit for public service.
- Start conversations about the applicability of political parties agreeing to use quotas, as is done in Guyana, Italy, Sweden and other countries.
Rahym R. Augustin-Joseph is the 2024 Rhodes Scholar for the Commonwealth Caribbean, and is a two time Valedictorian. Currently, he is pursuing a Masters in Public Policy at the Blavatnik School of Government at the University of Oxford. He holds two First Class Honors degrees from the UWI Cave Hill Campus in Political Science and Law, and Bachelor of Laws. An award-winning debater, public speaker, youth leader and advocate, Rahym is passionate about law, politics, and governance and aims to shape the future of Saint Lucia and the Caribbean.
