THE OBSERVER: UNC’s victory, UWP’s opportunity: Is the tide turning for Caribbean conservatism and Allen Chastanet?

The recent electoral victory of Kamla Persad-Bissessar and the United National Congress (UNC) in Trinidad and Tobago has not only reshaped the political landscape of Port of Spain; it has sent ripples throughout the Caribbean. For conservative parties across the region, including the United Workers Party (UWP) of Saint Lucia, Persad-Bissessar’s return to power is more than a political comeback; it is a masterclass in political resilience, coalition-building and ideological clarity. It raises the question: Is Caribbean conservatism poised for a resurgence?

Persad-Bissessar’s victory stands as a testament to the power of strategic recalibration, effective messaging and persistent grassroots mobilisation. After more than a decade in opposition, the UNC’s resurgence reflects the electorate’s desire for a return to strong, experienced leadership with a clear vision for economic stability, national security and social cohesion. Her win has shattered the myth that once a party has fallen from power, especially after scandal or electoral rout, it is doomed to political obscurity.

For the UWP in Saint Lucia, this moment should be viewed as a pivotal learning opportunity. Both the UNC and the UWP are ideological cousins—centre-right parties grounded in pro-business policies, constitutionalism and liberal economic management. They even share a symbolic connection through their campaign colour: yellow. More importantly, they share a similar electoral landscape: divided, polarised and tribalised society, the insertion of race in Saint Lucia’s politics and geographic voting patterns, and electorates increasingly frustrated by economic hardship and poor governance fatigue.

One of the key takeaways from Persad-Bissessar’s political playbook is the importance of forging a coalition of interests— a broad alliance that transcends traditional ethnic or party lines. In the UNC’s case, this meant mobilising not only its traditional base but also reaching out to youth voters, disillusioned professionals, religious groups, and elements of the labour movement. By doing so, Persad-Bissessar reassembled a winning coalition that spoke to multiple constituencies without losing ideological coherence.

For Allen Chastanet and the UWP, this approach is instructive. A winning strategy for the next general election cannot rely solely on nostalgia for economic growth or opposition to the incumbent administration. It must be built on inclusion, credibility and policy innovation. The UWP must actively engage civil society, the private sector, youth groups and disaffected voters across the political divide to form a coalition rooted in shared goals: job creation, crime reduction, institutional integrity and national pride.

Moreover, Chastanet must find effective ways to unite fractured and disaffected segments within and beyond the party. The SLP has stoked internal dissent and public criticism has fuelled a narrative that Chastanet’s leadership should be replaced. The UWP must resist this pressure to capitulate to division and instead reaffirm Chastanet’s leadership by highlighting his record of success in government, particularly his handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, which was internationally recognised as a best practice. Under his leadership, Saint Lucia maintained one of the lowest infection and mortality rates in the region while keeping the economy functioning, a feat lauded by global health and development partners.

Persad-Bissessar’s resilience also offers a lesson in tenacity. Her political journey has been anything but linear—marked by internal party strife, public criticism and a fierce media environment. Yet, she persisted. She remained visible, vocal and connected to the electorate. This is where many opposition leaders falter: they retreat, become reactive, or lose relevance. Chastanet must avoid this trap. He must remain a visible alternative, articulating not just criticisms of the government but also a coherent vision for Saint Lucia’s future.

Importantly, Persad-Bissessar’s return signals to all political players in the region that no party has a divine right to govern. Voter loyalty is no longer a guarantee. Citizens are increasingly pragmatic, issue-driven and willing to change allegiances based on performance, trust and national vision. The Caribbean electorate is becoming more sophisticated and less forgiving of incompetence, corruption or arrogance.

Conservatism in the Caribbean has often been cast as out of touch or elitist, but Persad-Bissessar’s victory reframes the narrative. It means that centre-right movements can be both progressive and grounded, advocating for sound economic policy while addressing social inequality, national unity and digital transformation. It demonstrates that conservative parties, when inclusive and modernised, can still connect with the aspirations of ordinary people.

This moment could mark the beginning of a conservative renaissance in the region. In Barbados, Grenada, Jamaica and Saint Lucia, centre-right movements have either lost ground or are rebuilding. Persad-Bissessar’s comeback shows that with the right mix of messaging, policy, coalition-building and leadership, conservative parties can reassert themselves as credible vehicles for national development.

For the UWP, this means deepening its community engagement, investing in data-driven campaign strategies, sharpening its policy alternatives and embracing a narrative of unity and restoration. It also means recognising that the next election will not be won by attacking opponents alone, but by building hope, trust and a sense of shared destiny.

In conclusion, Persad-Bissessar’s victory is not merely a national event – it is a regional signal. It reminds us that no political defeat is permanent, no governing party is invincible, and no ideology is obsolete. For Chastanet and the UWP, the path back to governance lies not in mimicry, but in bold adaptation. The tools are there. The example is fresh. The time is now.