In 2025, the Caribbean witnessed elections in Trinidad and Tobago, Jamaica, St Vincent and the Grenadines, and Saint Lucia. Leading up to those contests, campaigns grew massive and extravagant – some rivalling the scale of the region’s largest concerts.
Once again, questions arise: who is footing the bill for these elaborate spectacles, complete with container loads of paraphernalia such as hats, t‑shirts, umbrellas, flags, whistles, and more?
Many argue that such costly campaigns threaten democracy, fuel corruption and open doors to money laundering. Others highlight the “election economy”, where vast sums are poured into performers, stages, sound and lighting, drivers, fuel, designers, caterers and countless other services.
But where does all this money come from? Who pays for the grandeur, and who collects afterwards? As the saying goes, there is no free lunch.
The Organisation of American States (OAS) has long sent observers to CARICOM elections, including Saint Lucia’s, and repeatedly urged governments to enact campaign financing laws to ensure transparency and accountability.
Its recommendations for Saint Lucia include banning anonymous and foreign contributions, establishing a regulatory body, mandating public disclosure of funds, and linking reforms to gender equality by providing targeted support for women candidates.
UN Women underscores the global consensus: “There is agreement on the need to create favourable conditions for women’s candidacies, guaranteeing equal access to campaign financing while also addressing indirect resources and care responsibilities, which impact the time and budgets of women candidates.”
Evidence shows that inequity in political financing has created barriers to women’s participation.
The OAS has gone further, urging parliament to legislate mechanisms to monitor campaign funds, ensure they come from legitimate sources, and make financing transparent.
Yet successive administrations have ignored these calls, much like the electoral reforms proposed in Justice Suzie D’auvergne’s 2011 Constitution Reform Report.
Both major parties in Saint Lucia guard their funding sources closely. Donors, too, remain secretive, wary of backlash while awaiting rewards from whichever party prevails. Elections here are privately funded, and each cycle brings fresh rumours about who bankrolls which side.
Campaigning has become a business, with shareholders and investors ranging from businessmen and expatriates to corporations, overseas financiers, and even criminal networks. With no legislation or framework, parties face no limits on what they can raise or spend.
The result is clear: without regulated campaign financing, corruption flourishes, policymaking bends to big donors, and organised crime gains influence.
If any administration is serious about fighting corruption, reform must begin at the point of entry – campaign financing. Greater transparency and accountability would build public trust and dispel the perception that politicians are for sale.
Such reform should complement stronger enforcement of the Integrity in Public Life Act of 2002, which requires all parliamentarians, elected and unelected, to file annual declarations of income, assets, and liabilities with the Independent Integrity Commission. Extending this framework to include party finance committees would further bolster accountability.
The mantra “Saint Lucia is not for sale” must apply not only to foreign investors or land titles, but to every aspect of our democracy. Elections, electors, parties, and candidates should never be bought. It is time to reopen the discussion on campaign financing – a major, necessary step toward restoring public trust and faith in our political process.
