Persad-Bissessar 2.0 has brought an additional barrage against CARICOM, leading to the mischaracterisation of her populism and Trump-coded behaviour as radicalism. When Bob Marley sang “now we know who true revolutionaries”, he did not contemplate it would be those who are preoccupied with the destruction of our indigenous organisation due to their weird fascination with promised material gain from imperialism at the detriment of regional solidarity.
Regional radicalism is not defined by one’s ability to pontificate about the ailing, but by a commitment to “radically” transforming the regional organisation to better represent the interests of Caribbean people. Inherent in that approach, though, is skill, negotiation, intellectual dexterity, and respect for regionalism, among other traits that are lacking in (Foreign Minister) Sobers’ and Persad-Bissessar’s.
Our politics must shift to focus on building rather than destroying. It is like children in a playground, unable to understand their toys and, in anger, break even the useful parts. This is Bissessar’s way with TREXIT.
As others within this regional playground, we must continue to strengthen our union through a coalition of the willing towards Caribbean integration. Truly, nobody said it would be easy, but regionalism is worth it. George Beckford would still be reminding us today that “the people of the Caribbean are already integrated; the politicians are the only ones who do not know it.”
But TREXIT would be a monumental policy error. The squabble over the Secretary General’s appointment is petty, especially since reports say Persaud-Bissessar absented herself from the meeting. Her sole purpose for the visit was not CARICOM itself, but to act as an air hostess to Washington.
In fact, no other country, its businesses, or its people in the region benefit more from CARICOM and the Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME) than Trinidad and Tobago (T&T). OECS countries face greater disadvantages than More Developed Countries within CARICOM. Their small domestic markets, underdeveloped manufacturing, lack of oil and mineral resources, increased imports, financial sector issues, exposure to external shocks, and limited skills all contribute. This is why the Caribbean Development Fund was created: to facilitate investment, balance differences between countries, and protect domestic and infant industries.
Bissessar is cognisant that if she does not play the fiddle in the Mar-a-Lago choir, T&T may face increased tariffs, which could affect her trade with the US. The total trade in 2024 was US$21.2 billion, driven by higher energy-related exports and demand for petrochemicals and refined fuels. Exports rose to 43 per cent, with mineral fuels and oils being significant components of that export market (34 per cent), representing over 70 per cent of export earnings. T&T’s largest export partner is the US, accounting for 29.5 per cent of its exports.
However, in second is the Caribbean region, where, for example, Trinidad and Tobago is the only country enjoying a positive trade surplus, i.e., it exports more than it imports from and to the Caribbean, reaching US$1.46 Billion recently, with mineral fuels and oils dominating (32 per cent), beverages (10.5 per cent), cereal-based products (8.8 per cent), fruits, vegetables, plastics among other goods. Among these goods, the biggest market for Trinidad remains Jamaica (16.2 per cent), followed by Barbados (14.3) and Suriname (8 per cent). Trinidad, though, imports only US$184 million in goods from CARICOM, compared to its US$1.46 billion. See the inherent lopsided trade.
One can easily and foolhardily argue that “CARICOM requires the goods, so it is not T&T’s fault”. The proposition is less about our need to import than about our ability to import from cheaper markets outside CARICOM. However, the predictability and consistency being experienced, which it is responding with an ungratefulness worse than witchcraft, since 1973, occurs because of the Common External Tariff (CET), which, in 2024, resulted in a collective foregone about US$142.7 million in customs revenue because of choosing to source ‘community-origin goods’ from T&T under this protection. This is not to suggest that nations should engage in economic warfare with T&T, such that, because they are reliant on the other countries for exports, they must turn the proverbial cheek. Instead, that reliance should cause T&T to have greater respect and reverence for regional integration processes, procedures and ultimately her colleagues.
If removed, though, the CCJ has continued to reaffirm the meticulous process that countries must employ for suspension or removal, of which Trinidad is aware (hence their continued posturing), then Caribbean countries may be able to benefit from importing from cheaper global suppliers, rather than protecting higher-cost regional producers. Caribbean countries impose higher tariffs on imported goods outside the bloc, thereby increasing import costs and foregoing revenue.
For example, T&T pays less for energy than OECS members. T&T is protected by the CARICOM Common External Tariff (CET) when importing from a non-CARICOM source, except under the PetroCaribe Initiative. Unable to compete, many Jamaican manufacturers seek to relocate to Trinidad and Tobago for cheaper oil. Persad-Bissessar’s support for Trump in Venezuela aims to monopolise export production and preserve US relations during tariff economics and loyalty.
This policy brings short-term benefits but also long-term risks. T&T believes that immediate gains matter most but lacks evidence of success, especially in migration and drugs. By chasing short-term wins, it forgets the potential future strength that regional integration and solidarity can yield.
This is not a smart strategy. President Trump often turns on supporters quickly. Kamla, yuh time may soon reach. Kristi Noem, Pam Bondi, María Corina Machado, and Mike Pence all found this out. Professor Justin Robinson is right: “The Caribbean’s strength has always been collective. Washington does not benefit from a unified CARICOM with a coherent position on climate, trade and sovereignty. It benefits from individual states that can be engaged and pressured one at a time.”
Added to this is the ongoing lack of foreign exchange for sellers of their agricultural produce. T&T sells about EC$150 million annually to SVG. Of this, roughly EC$18 million is sold in hard currency [USD] by SVG. T&T pays in TT dollars, which cannot be used outside T&T. Former SVG Prime Minister Dr Ralph Gonsalves has raised this issue, requesting that EC$20 million be set aside in foreign exchange, but without success. In addition, T&T’s continued control and profit from the airspace.
Simple solution. Kick them out of CARICOM. Kick their companies out of CARICOM. Ask yourself: how many Trini companies operating in these islands vs these islands” companies operating in Trinidad?